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Palestine grow even starker. I

On March 16, 1846, the British government sold Kashmir—a region with a Muslim-majority population—to the Hindu Maharaja Gulab Singh (1792–1857) through the Treaty of Amritsar. In doing so, Britain transferred control of a land it did not rightfully own to a minority group that held no demographic or political weight there, disregarding the will of Kashmir’s native inhabitants. This same approach would later be repeated in Palestine with the infamous Balfour Declaration on November 2, 1917. In this sense, the Kashmir and Palestine crises have been twin conflicts from the very beginning—sharing similar methods and contexts. Gulab Singh handed over Kashmir’s administration to his son, Ranbir Singh (1830–1885), the following year. After Ranbir Singh’s death in 1885—having ruled as Maharaja of Kashmir since 1848—his son Pratap Singh (1848–1925) succeeded him. When Pratap, who had no male heir, sought to appoint a distant relative as his political successor, Britain intervened and instead declared his nephew Hari Singh (1895–1961) as the crown prince. Upon Pratap Singh’s death on September 23, 1925, Hari Singh became the Maharaja of Kashmir. Much like the Palestinian issue, which gradually turned into an intractable crisis, tensions between Muslims and Hindus in Kashmir escalated throughout the 1920s. Despite its population being over 80% Muslim, Kashmir was ruled by a Hindu minority that denied the majority even their most basic religious rights. The status quo in Kashmir—a princely state under British India—suited Britain’s interests. Just as they did during their mandate in Palestine, the British covertly supported both Hindus and Muslims at different times, fueling division and conflict. By the end of 1931, the demands of Kashmiri Muslims had grown impossible to suppress, prompting the British Indian government to form a commission headed by bureaucrat Bertrand James Glancy (1882–1953). (Around the same time, Britain was also attempting to address the crisis in Palestine through reports and "white papers.") Published in April 1932, the Glancy Report recommended establishing a new legislative assembly for Kashmir. The proposed assembly would consist of 75 members—15 official representatives and 33 elected members, with 21 seats reserved for Muslims, 10 for Hindus, and 2 for Sikhs. While Maharaja Hari Singh announced his acceptance of the report, its provisions were never fully implemented. When British India was partitioned on August 14–15, 1947, leading to the creation of India and Pakistan, Hari Singh hesitated to join either country. Given its Muslim-majority population and geographical proximity, Kashmir’s accession to Pakistan would have been the most logical outcome. Instead, the region became the focal point of perpetual conflict and war. The first major clashes—later known as the First Indo-Pakistani War—ended in a ceasefire on January 5, 1949. By then, Pakistan had gained control of one-third of Kashmir (today known as Azad Kashmir), while India seized the larger portion (Jammu and Kashmir). The Kashmir issue had by then reached the international stage, with the UN recommending a plebiscite to determine its future—a proposal that, like in similar crises, went nowhere due to disagreements between India and Pakistan over the terms. On October 17, 1949, the Indian government introduced Article 370 into its constitution, granting Jammu and Kashmir a special autonomous status. Under this provision, Kashmir could make its own laws in all matters except defense, foreign affairs, finance, and communications. It was allowed its own constitution and flag, and outsiders were barred from buying land or property in the region. This effectively set Kashmir apart from the rest of India’s states. India and Pakistan fought two more wars over Kashmir in 1965 and 1999, but these conflicts only deepened the stalemate. The inconsistency and hypocrisy of the international system, coupled with the Muslim world’s indifference, ensured that Kashmir—Asia’s Palestine—remained a perpetual crisis zone. Today, as war drums beat once again in Kashmir, the parallels with Palestine grow even starker. Israel now openly and directly supports the Indian government—just as Hindu extremists, who harbor deep hostility toward Islam and Muslims, cheer every bomb dropped on Gaza.
Ekleme Tarihi: 10 May 2025 - Saturday

Palestine grow even starker. I

On March 16, 1846, the British government sold Kashmir—a region with a Muslim-majority population—to the Hindu Maharaja Gulab Singh (1792–1857) through the Treaty of Amritsar. In doing so, Britain transferred control of a land it did not rightfully own to a minority group that held no demographic or political weight there, disregarding the will of Kashmir’s native inhabitants. This same approach would later be repeated in Palestine with the infamous Balfour Declaration on November 2, 1917. In this sense, the Kashmir and Palestine crises have been twin conflicts from the very beginning—sharing similar methods and contexts. Gulab Singh handed over Kashmir’s administration to his son, Ranbir Singh (1830–1885), the following year. After Ranbir Singh’s death in 1885—having ruled as Maharaja of Kashmir since 1848—his son Pratap Singh (1848–1925) succeeded him. When Pratap, who had no male heir, sought to appoint a distant relative as his political successor, Britain intervened and instead declared his nephew Hari Singh (1895–1961) as the crown prince. Upon Pratap Singh’s death on September 23, 1925, Hari Singh became the Maharaja of Kashmir. Much like the Palestinian issue, which gradually turned into an intractable crisis, tensions between Muslims and Hindus in Kashmir escalated throughout the 1920s. Despite its population being over 80% Muslim, Kashmir was ruled by a Hindu minority that denied the majority even their most basic religious rights. The status quo in Kashmir—a princely state under British India—suited Britain’s interests. Just as they did during their mandate in Palestine, the British covertly supported both Hindus and Muslims at different times, fueling division and conflict. By the end of 1931, the demands of Kashmiri Muslims had grown impossible to suppress, prompting the British Indian government to form a commission headed by bureaucrat Bertrand James Glancy (1882–1953). (Around the same time, Britain was also attempting to address the crisis in Palestine through reports and "white papers.") Published in April 1932, the Glancy Report recommended establishing a new legislative assembly for Kashmir. The proposed assembly would consist of 75 members—15 official representatives and 33 elected members, with 21 seats reserved for Muslims, 10 for Hindus, and 2 for Sikhs. While Maharaja Hari Singh announced his acceptance of the report, its provisions were never fully implemented. When British India was partitioned on August 14–15, 1947, leading to the creation of India and Pakistan, Hari Singh hesitated to join either country. Given its Muslim-majority population and geographical proximity, Kashmir’s accession to Pakistan would have been the most logical outcome. Instead, the region became the focal point of perpetual conflict and war. The first major clashes—later known as the First Indo-Pakistani War—ended in a ceasefire on January 5, 1949. By then, Pakistan had gained control of one-third of Kashmir (today known as Azad Kashmir), while India seized the larger portion (Jammu and Kashmir). The Kashmir issue had by then reached the international stage, with the UN recommending a plebiscite to determine its future—a proposal that, like in similar crises, went nowhere due to disagreements between India and Pakistan over the terms. On October 17, 1949, the Indian government introduced Article 370 into its constitution, granting Jammu and Kashmir a special autonomous status. Under this provision, Kashmir could make its own laws in all matters except defense, foreign affairs, finance, and communications. It was allowed its own constitution and flag, and outsiders were barred from buying land or property in the region. This effectively set Kashmir apart from the rest of India’s states. India and Pakistan fought two more wars over Kashmir in 1965 and 1999, but these conflicts only deepened the stalemate. The inconsistency and hypocrisy of the international system, coupled with the Muslim world’s indifference, ensured that Kashmir—Asia’s Palestine—remained a perpetual crisis zone. Today, as war drums beat once again in Kashmir, the parallels with Palestine grow even starker. Israel now openly and directly supports the Indian government—just as Hindu extremists, who harbor deep hostility toward Islam and Muslims, cheer every bomb dropped on Gaza.
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